Dr Gregor Gall, Reader in Industrial Relations, University of Stirling, "Unofficial strikes in Britain: re-examining strike propensity and the impact of the 1984-1985 miners' strike on strike frequency."

Strike activity in Britain has historically been characterised by a high degree of unofficial strike action, where prior to 1980, 95% of all strikes, by frequency, were not official strikes. A grey area existed between those strikes being deemed official, those strikes being deemed unofficial and those strike which were given no formal designation at all or for much of their duration. The coal mining industry comprised a high degree of all these strikes that were 'not official'. Most of these were unofficial for some or all of their duration. Other industries noted for their contribution to unofficial strikes were engineering, shipbuilding, ports and vehicle manufacture.

The 1984-1985 miners' strike marked a brief 'aberration' in the downward overall trajectory of strike activity (judged by strike frequency, workers involved and days not worked) since the mid- to late 1970s. The pace of decline quickened in the 1990s after the defeat of several other large and high profile strikes of national significance in the mid- to late 1980s (telecom, dock, P&O, News International, TV-am, pace the postal workers and engineering workers). Total strike activity fell by around 80% in terms of frequency, workers involved and days not worked between 1981-2002.

After the defeat of the 1984-1985 miners' strike, unofficial strikes in coal mining continued at significant levels, and continued to heavily contribute to the overall level of unofficial strikes. The dramatic contraction of the coal mining industry following the 1992 pit closure programme reduced the absolute number of unofficial strikes that the 'industry' contributed to the number of total unofficial strikes per annum. However, although the number of unofficial strikes by frequency also falls in the period 1981-2002, its fall is by no means so dramatic, at around 40%, so that an increasing percentage of all strikes are now unofficial strikes. In terms of the contribution of unofficial strike activity to number s of workers involved and days not worked, the contribution is much smaller although erratic. The 'industry' providing the greatest singular contribution to the frequency of unofficial strikes post-1992 has been the postal workers employed by Royal Mail. It is also arguable that unofficial strikes have a new salience following the legal restrictions placed on official strikes, whereby immediate strike action can only be taken in the unofficial form.

Using hindsight, several broad conclusions can be inferred from this. First, strike activity had already entered a downward trajectory of which the miners' defeat represented the only substantial exception. Second, the influence of the defeat of the miners' strike was significant but cumulative to an existing and continuing downward pressure on trade unionists' organisational and collective self-belief and self-confidence. Therefore, industrially and politically, the miners' strike was not the turning point but an important component of the downswing in class struggle in Britain. Third, the influence of this was greatest on trade unionists contemplating long, large and nationally significant official strikes. Here, the dynamics, vis-à-vis unofficial strikes, are of longer contemplation (campaign for ballot, executive authorisation, campaigning for 'yes' vote, notice period, and executive date setting). Moreover, official strikes, vis-à-vis unofficial strikes, are subject to different legal compulsion in terms of loss of immunity of tort.

Fourth, the dynamics of most unofficial strikes, being short, relatively small and concerned with immediate and 'perishable grievances' have not been influenced so greatly or so directly by such a downward force. Keenly felt injustices have still been expressed through immediate demonstrative action, where little consideration has been given to the likely length of action, other than it being assumed to be relatively short, and the legal status of the strike is not pre-eminent in the minds of the strikers. Fifth, without the contribution of the postal workers, the frequency of unofficial strikes in the period would have fallen by the same degree of that suffered by total strike frequency. Sixth, in terms of worker mobilisation in Britain, unofficial strikes are unable to make up any 'shortfall' experienced in the fall in official strikes.